Even though it is not as prominent now as it was before it was abolished, it still affects many people all around the world. To be born into a status, one that you can never leave or outlive is a great tragedy. How does one come to terms with knowing that a choice was never an option?
Other direct and indirect actors in the social and armed conflict that have enjoyed impunity and legal, political and economic privileges that have been just as comprehensive and absolute, albeit not generally recognized so explicitly, have been the multinational corporations.
One by one the few judicial processes that State courts and prosecutors initiated to investigate the involvement of these multinationals in the crimes committed by the paramilitary groups were terminated without achieving any substantive results.
However, it is necessary to emphasize at the outset that the multinationals are fictitious creations that serve both to Analysis on the case of untouchable their owners and beneficiaries against legal and financial accountability as well as to hide their identity.
One example of this is the ferro-nickel mine Cerro Matoso, which has been at the epicentre of a series of forced displacements, selective assassinations and other social and environmental disasters affecting surrounding communities since the s.
The mine was recently sold from BHP Billiton to South 32, supposedly disrupting the chain of control and accountability. Edgar, In this context the numerous social and environmental campaigns demanding the accountability of individual corporate facades are fencing with ephemeral curtains of smoke, while the real owners and beneficiaries remain hidden in the shadows.
The efforts to destroy the trade union have taken many forms over the years and demonstrate a high degree of continuity, coordination and cooperation between State officials in Colombia and the United States variously including politicians, bureaucrats, judges, prosecutors, police and intelligence personnel as necessary in any given instancecorporate executives of the two gigantic junk food companies, and paramilitary groups or other hired assassins.
The close relations and mutual interests between State officials and corporate executives are reinforced by the revolving doors of employment that exist between both companies and senior State officials.
In the prologue the authors state: In accordance with this broader strategy and objective, these practices are implemented in Colombia as a generalized and systematic attack against the trade union movement executed by an organized structure of power that guarantees impunity for its highest levels… The dynamics of oppression of the trade union movement take many forms.
From the institutions of the State, they include official stigmatization and the instigation of judicial processes against trade union activities, the individualization of work contracts, and in synthesis placing all the force of the law in favour of the interests of large corporations, most of which are owned by foreigners.
The forms of oppression utilized extend to systematic persecution and violence perpetrated against the trade unions, such activities often being delegated to paramilitary armies to obscure the direct responsibility of the companies and of course of the State.
This has occurred within the framework of a new criminal modality, in which the public forces delegate extra-legal violence and oppression to paramilitary agents.
Historically, the instigators and coordinators of the crimes committed against the trade unions have acted from the centres of military intelligence, extending from there to the paramilitary groups.
The artifice of establishing and enabling semi-autonomous paramilitary groups to outsource or delegate direct responsibility for violent oppression is not sufficient reason to exempt the State and its officials from responsibility for these serious crimes; to the contrary, it obliges us to analyse the criminal structures of power in their entirety, organized and implemented as a single operational apparatus based on a common strategy, which is to say we must understand the appearance of paramilitary groups as a policy of the State which has served as the principle conduit of violence against the trade unions.
The methods described above, understood as a generalized and systematic attack against all trade union activities in which such violence constitutes a crime against humanity, responds to the pressures and requirements of the irrational accumulation of capital by transnational corporations in the final stage of colonialism.
Such corporations no longer need territories occupied and administered by empires in the traditional sense; all they need is the submission of the economic policies, human and natural resources and means of production of a country to transnational financial power and control.
In other words, the violence against trade unions is a structural element that guarantees great benefits to the financial, industrial and commercial conglomerates, destroying everything and everyone that confronts their interests. While it is true that in Colombia these strategies are implemented in the midst of an armed conflict they are not an integral part of the conflict as such, they do not obey the internal dynamics and tensions of the conflict.
Rather, they respond to interests, generally transnational, which are uniquely situated to benefit from the conflict. Attributing the assassination of thousands of trade unionists to the consequences of the armed conflict is a tactic used to deflect attention from the culpability of the intellectual authors of these atrocities at the same time as they denounce trade unionists as insurgents, greatly exacerbating the risks they face.
The attempts to link the violence against trade unionists to the armed conflict in this way deny the fact that we are confronted with a type of violence in which the conflict functions as a cover that facilitates the execution and impunity of these crimes.
With a gag in his mouth. And fifty knife wounds. Irrefutable proof of the cruelty of his assassins. The proceedings would, however, reveal aspects even more disconcerting. There, inbefore the Education and Labour Committee, he declared that those who ordered and financed the executions, the intellectual authors, are more guilty than the material authors for the persistence of the violence.
In Switzerland, the Office of the State Prosecutor accepted the file, then failed to commence investigations for over a year until they could claim that the Swiss statute of limitations precluded any formal investigation.
Subsequently, the European Tribunal of Human Rights refused to consider whether the Swiss judicial system had fulfilled their obligations to conduct an impartial and comprehensive investigation without giving any reasons for their decision.
The campaign of systematic persecution is facilitated and amplified by the refusal of the judicial system to investigate and prosecute the perpetrators, intellectual authors and beneficiaries of the crimes notwithstanding some individual efforts to breach the wall of impunity, such as the court decision discussed above.
One case that is particularly exceptional is Chiquita Brands. The case is exceptional because many documents related to its collaboration with paramilitary groups were revealed following an agreement between the company and State prosecutors in the United States.
Normally, such details never emerge to see the light of day. The documents testify to the collaboration of the management of Chiquita Brands in the execution of crimes against humanity committed by the paramilitary groups.
They were revealed in judicial proceedings that followed the initial decision of the tribunal in subsequent proceedings the company tried to prevent the public disclosure of the documents delivered to the Department of Justice. In this context, on the 5th of November approximately three thousand AK rifles and 5 million rounds of ammunition, an arsenal that was transported on the ship Otterloo, were unloaded and introduced into the national territory.
The ship was unloaded in the port of Zungo, specifically on the docks belonging to the company Banadex S. The majority of these weapons were not surrendered as part of the paramilitary demobilization process realized between and They determined that the arms were bought from the Nicaraguan police by Shimon Yalin Yelinek, an Israeli citizen resident in Panama, with fraudulent documents claiming that the arms were for the Panamanian police.
The arms were transported on a vessel registered in Panama. The investigation did not examine what occurred in Colombia in any detail.Untouchable study guide contains a biography of Mulk Raj Anand, literature essays, quiz questions, major themes, characters, and a full summary and analysis.
the author, has made a compelling case for the end of untouchability on the grounds that it is an inhumane, unjust system of oppression. He uses Bakha and the people populating the.
Untouchable Questions and Answers. The Question and Answer section for Untouchable is a great resource to ask questions, find answers, and discuss the novel. Untouchable is an inner conflict of an individual who is caught in the web of an age old caste system. We see him stand passive and bewildered at the immensity of horror.
The smouldering rage of Bakha is followed by his helplessness and remorse.5/5(1). The Untouchables: Mise-En-Scene Analysis Elliot Ness, a treasury agent, has been trying to stop alcohol from being smuggled into the United States.
Get an answer for 'What is a brief summary of Untouchable?' and find homework help for other Untouchable questions at eNotes.
In Bakha's case, technology, in the form of the automatic flush. May 09, · THE UNTOUCHABLE is further proof that Banville is a major writer. His prose is supple, fluid, and exactly precise.
No contemporary writer can capture the slight changes in emotional register that he so deftly manages.